Georgievski’s advice to Mickoski

Erol Rizaov

The founder of VMRO-DPMNE, Ljubco Georgievski, sent a public advice to incumbent party leader and opposition leader Hristijan Mickoski to let SDSM to resolve the name dispute. Because if they do not reach a compromise, VMRO-DPMNE will have to accept it when it comes to power. It’s better for someone else to take the heat.

This doctrine is like knocking on an open door, because Hristijan Mickoski and the most vigorous leadership of VMRO DPMNE already apply this tactic after a chance has arisen for a possible solution. However, Georgievski’s advice deserves special attention from several aspects. In his proposal, at first glance, nothing is concealed, but explicitly states how the coalition of power should burn itself by the most difficult problem that Macedonia has been facing since its independence, and that is Greece’s imposed dispute to change the constitutional name of the state. It once again shows that everyone who could do something in that plan did not want to get burned. Georgievski instructs Mickoski, as the leader of the opposition, to be careful and apply mild criticism to the government and let the Social Democrats along with other ruling parties to find a solution to the dispute with Greece. Georgievski explicitly says: “That issue should be overcome, and time runs out, so if this ruling coalition finds no compromise on the name, that issue will remain resolved by VMRO-DPMNE when it comes to power.” So, the unrecognized spiritual father of VMRO-DPMNE is unequivocal: there should be a compromise on the name, but it is best for another to take the heat. Nicely put, exactly in the ‘vmro’ way, let someone else do all the work, and then we will recognize and accept the new reality.

I will not go into Goergievski’s other motives why he felt the need to publicly advise Mickoski on a doctrine that is already being applied in practice, but I will try to point out the harmfulness of this approach, when it comes to the most sensitive issue of strategic interests for the future of Macedonia. First, the recent and more distant history of our neighboring and European societies clearly states that the most important national and state interests, especially when making difficult decisions, are most effectively defended by a joint appearance of the government and the opposition in front of the public. Hiding is such times is equal to betrayal. Hristijan Mickoski’s choice to keep VMRO-DPMNE away from this crucial and historically important issue concerning the future of the Macedonian citizens is just a pragmatic move to win power after an extremely delicate and unpopular decision, that is, after accepting a name change that the Government and the ruling parties will assess as acceptable, and which does not distort the identity, and do not interfere with language and other national and identity features. This would be a bad move for VMRO-DPMNE, and however patriotic and populist, it is still cowardly. Neither Hristijan Mickoski nor VMRO-DPMNE will be able to hide for a long time because they will have to vote in parliament and will have to address the public with their own views if a referendum is announced. It is not possible to conceal the largest political party in parliament. Is it possible for VMRO-DPMNE to keep silent and not tell its supporters whether to vote “for” or “against” in a possible referendum.

Hristijan Mickoski and VMRO-DPMNE, as well as all relevant political parties and leaders, do not have much maneuvering space for hiding. They will either openly oppose compromise solutions for the name or support them. There is no third option. Actually, there is, and that is a complete marginalization of VMRO-DPMNE and their new president, who, after he has come to this position, still avoids taking over the role he has been elected for, to be a party leader and leader of the opposition. His public appearances and statements, which are in a clearer direction than his predecessor Nikola Gruevski, are only in the sense that the party emphasizes its commitment towards Western parliamentary democracy, and that the future of the state is seen in Europe, and in NATO and EU membership. But this commitment is only verbal for now. So far, there is nothing else that will indicate that Mickoski is stepping towards leadership and that he has strengthened his positions in the party, that he is ready to clear up with those who made a VMRO-DPMNE a crime nest and a mafia party. There is not even the slightest attempt to disconnect the participants of the criminal organizations and holders of the monstrous plan of the constant detection of enemies and the witch-hunt, a tyrannical project against everyone in the state that think differently from the party’s top.

Hristijan Mickoski either has no leadership ambitions, or he still has no power to show them. None of the three key preconditions to be a leader has been met in these few months, since he is the leader of VMRO-DPMNE. He did not cleverly resolved with his predecessor and did not condemn him for his catastrophic mistakes. He did not give support for a just judicial resolution to all those charged with crime, abuse of power and the bloodshed on April 27 in the Parliament. He did not strengthen his positions in the party and did not present himself in public as a democratic capacity, as a university professor. These three key issues with maturing in opposition are much more important than the rapid return of VMRO-DPMNE to power, which would mean, in such a situation, the immediate return of Nikola Gruevski, because he still holds all the threads in the party, even though he is at court every day.

Instead of Ljubco Georgievski’s advice to Hristijan Mickoski to leave the work with the name entirely to the ruling parties, it would be much more beneficial for Mickoski to clear up with the relapses of Gruevski and the rotting in the party, and bravely and strongly stand in support of the compromise that will be acceptable and will open the doors of the EU. That is the historical role and the leadership position. There are other days for making mess between the government and the opposition. The government and the Prime Minister Zoran Zaev will either way be in a difficult situation, even with an acceptable compromise that will also be painful for concessions, but also if they do not accept decisions that interfere in the identity, and are offensive to the citizens of Macedonia.