No evidence, only crime

Erol Rizaov

Nikola Gruevski enters and exits from the courtroom, as a prime minister from a government session, nicely dressed, different suit each day, with a suitable tie, serious, but with a small, ironic smile that sends a message as a Macedonian tv host: stay with our program, we will return after these messages. Then he goes up to the group of journalists and the court reporters, with a clear improvement of his walking like a duck, that show-off-ish sway of his legs left and right is gone. He bends humbly over the microphones and states the same message to the public, suggestively whispering: “There is no evidence. This is a political witch hunt, I will prove that I’m innocent. “He greets the journalists, and leaves for preparations for postponing the next trial.

In Gruevski’s addresses to the public from his court trials, only the hat and the sentence “after everything I did for Macedonia, you want to put me in prison” were missing, for this statement to be the same as that of Al Capone from his spectacular trials when there are crimes, but there is no evidence. The Great Capone also addressed judges and journalists, and the public, always dressed according to the fashion from the times of the great world crisis and the prohibition of the 30s of the past century, constantly prepared for a joke, emphasizing that he is innocent, that this is a revenge against him from the political power, and that there is no evidence of what they accuse. If there was evidence, I would have been in jail for a long time with other gangsters, said on one occasion, said Al Capone on one occasion. Gruevski said yesterday: “If there was just one “E” of evidence, I would not be here now, I would have been arrested with the other MPs”.

All those terrible crimes in the kingdom of the Chicago gangsters happened when Al Capone had a flawless alibi that he was not at the crime scene, and that he had nothing to do with any of it, that he did it for the sake of America. Al Capone was sentenced to long-term imprisonment after lengthy trials for tax evasion, but for the other crimes – there was no evidence.

Of course, Nikola Gruevski is not Al Capone, one of his lawyers should tell him this, and also tell him to talk less to the public about the lack of evidence. He needs to say this to the judges. When the strongest argument is that there is no evidence, while his hands are covered in blood from a coup with attempt to murder people’s deputies in the Parliament of Macedonia, to say that there is no evidence, because that day he was very far away, in Vienna, where he watched a theater performance live from the Skopje Parliament, then, it is an insult to the public. However, Gruevski needs to explain to the public what he needs to explain to the court, so he says: “My bodyguard in Vienna called his brother on the phone, they talked about family matters, but not for an order to perform the incursion into the Parliament, as it is falsely stated in the indictment – that a phone call from Vienna was made Skopje on April 27, so that the people from the security of Gruevski started the action for incursion into the Assembly. 68 party soldiers gathered in front of a café in Skopje, where they got masks and then entered the Parliament. This is the indictment, and there is no evidence that Gruevski is the client. The public in Macedonia knows that all people around Gruevski, especially the ones from his closest security, do not work according to orders. They are self-initiated, and spontaneously do what they are paid to do, and they do it professionally. They do not need any orders. The same goes for his closest associates and MPs. People know their jobs, why would anyone need to order them to open the doors of the Assembly, and let masked ‘tourists’ in, why someone should order Cavkov not to provide the police with the rules in such situations and why a little for tactical reasons would not be delayed by the order to defend parliament from patriots who spontaneously came to save Macedonia from enemies and traitors. As they were actually widely summoned not to sit at home, but to defend Macedonia. It all happened this way, but there is no evidence about who ordered the bloody violence in the Assembly.

What kind of evidence is this, collected in an illegal way by wiretapping phones when Gruevski personally issues an order to gather two or three thousand people in front of the city hall and to disturb and frighten those sitting inside, and give five or six slaps to the new mayor Zernovski. Well, there were no slaps, and about the broken windows and doors, furniture, etc. … Great work, the best prime minister in the history of Macedonia should not be charged with it. What kind of nebuloses of evidence are these, again acquired illegally by wiretapping, to legally demolish the multi-story “Cosmos” of a certain Fiat Canoski, and the boss wet himself in the prime minister’s office due to biological laws when the man was frightened to death. And, for this, Gruevski should be mistreated now because he laughed at some dark humor, in which there is no proof that he has any role. What kind of evidence is this, when they are buying property on attractive locations for small change. Who would not legally buy large and beautiful property on Vodno for cheap change. The man has no idea that there were some Chinese commissions and corruption in millions of dollars for building stellar paths throughout Macedonia. All of these are pure fabrications. Here, for example, charges of electoral irregularities. A classic case of political witch-hunt with an innocent prime minister, pure as can be, who consistently won all the elections because he was popular among the people because he is honest and owns nothing, but a somewhat modest estate. Why do you say that the elections were irregular?

Since there are no conditions for a fair trial of a meritorious former prime minister who spent the longest performing this responsible function, who in the past ten years did to us what only a great hero could do, the President of the State Gjorge Ivanov should stop all court proceedings against Nikola Gruevski, and to release the man from political persecution with an abolition. It does not matter at all whether he has, or has not, constitutional or any right to do that, when it comes to security, territorial and personal integrity in the realm of gangsters, their president is obliged to protect them.