This is how ex-intelligence expert Vladimir Pivovarov briefly analyzed the latest statements in the court and the findings of the investigation of the events of last April 27, which (in) directly point the finger to the Security and Counter-Intelligence Directorate, that is, the presidential villa in Vodno. The detention of Vladimir Atanasovski, who at that time was the director of UBK, was also interpreted in that context. Prosecutor Vilma Ruskovska calms for now and says Sinisa Aleksovski, advisor to President Gjorge Ivanov, who reportedly informed the protesters that a state of emergency would be declared, in fact, had no direct contact with them.
"We need to differentiate a few things: Nikola Boskoski was mentioned by all accused who gave statements, and they had direct contact with him, and Aleksovski was mentioned in the sense that someone had talked to him, and passed on the information. We cannot put both them on the same level," says Ruskovska.
Asked if there were clues and new evidence that the violent events were planned in Ivanov's office - she gave a negative answer.
Pivovarov said that today we would have had a lot of evidence if UBK worked in those moments to protect the constitutional order and followed the communications. He wonders why Ivanov at about 22 o'clock in his public appearance said that he had information for certain actions, thanks to his services, but he was not informed what was being prepared. According to Pivovarov, there were two situations when a state of war was to be declared.
"Firstly, the news that Zijadin Sela was dead was deliberately released in order to infuriate the ethnic Albanians and cause conflict. Secondly, they tried to deplore the inter-party conflict by the fact that the leader of SDSM and his associates would call the party and party supporters to come and help them in parliament. In both cases there would be bloodshed which would fulfill the conditions for proclaiming a state of war," Pivovarov told Nezavisen Vesnik/Independent newspaper.
The ex-intelligence agent says that it needs to be checked whether the military police were really ready to arrest MPs, whether the special army vehicles were precisely at that time in combat readiness after many years of wrangling and whether the shifts were planned for party soldiers.
"This evidence can be obtained in the Army, and it would be important, if we want to reach the authorities that ordered it," claimed Pivovarov.
He adds that it is more than clear that the perpetrators of the violence had to have support from the UBK operatives and it is obvious that this was a well and deeply organized action. It is suspicious, he says, that Gruevski was not in Macedonia that evening, just like many times in crucial moments for the country.
"Was he abroad privately, on business, what he did there – this too is important for the investigation," Pivovarov concluded.
The Basic Public Prosecutor's Office quickly reacted after the last statements of three of the defendants and arrested Atanasovski. The BPPO said that a pre-trial procedure is under way and it determines whether there is involvement of persons who are not covered by the charges so far, and they cannot issue details until they complete the investigation.
One of the defendants for the events of April 27, Zaharie Simovski, who was the bodyguard of Aleksandar Vasilevski-Ninja, said that he received the orders directly from his boss, as well as from the former director of UBK, Vladimir Atanasovski and Nikola Baskovski. The brothers Stefan and Mihail Mladenovski revealed that there was an illegal, parallel Fifth Administration, which was run by Atanasovski. According to the testimony, although he was not employed in the UBK, he acted as an employee, and he also had resources from the management.
Former Defense Minister Pavle Trajanov says that according to estimates, about 70 people, in which Gruevski had greatest confidence, usurped the state institution and carried out the crimes that were required of them. Some of them are still employed in the UBK.